Thursday, October 31, 2019

Agrarian Reform & Land Distribution in Brazil Essay

Agrarian Reform & Land Distribution in Brazil - Essay Example (CNN, 2007) This pitiful state in the agrarian sector in Brazil is responsible for the small peasant with big-sized family ending up with no land for tilling. This pathetic land holding pattern in Brazil has led to widespread resentment among the peasant class. This resentment has even taken the form of violence across the nation as the demand for land for mere survival has intensified. The distribution of land in Brazil is indeed uneven. Thorough decades, till date the agricultural development in Brazil is very much biased towards the big agricultural estate. This has benefited only a tiny section of the oligarchy that is associated with commercial and trade capital investment while leaving majority of the population out of its ambit. In the past two and a half decade, more than 30 million workers related to farming, including men and women, had to leave their land and a further 4.8 million peasant families can dream of holding own land. One of the most appalling results of this gross injustice is starvation—nearly 31.5 million people are being tormented from food shortage in Brazil, of which 50% live in the countryside. (FIAN International Secretariat, May 2000). Agricultural modernization process initiated in the country has only aggravated the situation—inequality in the distribution of land has widened which resulted into more exploitation of the agricultural laborers. In fact, majority of the agricultural laborers are denied their basic rights. The situation is so serious that in some areas of the country, slavery is an accepted practice. Along with this, the female workers are subjected to huge discrimination—they work twice as long as their male equal, and are paid less than the males. The modern agricultural system in Brazil is based on the intensive exploitation of scarce land and natural resources, along with the use of heavy machinery, chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Indias Soft Drinks Industry Essay Example for Free

Indias Soft Drinks Industry Essay 1. 1. 1 INDIA’S PHYSICAL RESOURCES India is a country rich of raw materials, resources and land. For this report, we will focus on those physical resources that are essential for the soft drinks industry – water, sugar, aluminium, power sources. With a land space of over 2. 9 million square kilometres (sq km) and a population of 1. 22 billion people, India has only 314,070 sq km of water (CIA World Fact book, 2012). Even though the Indian government has done many things do improved the situation by building water plants and water piping in the urban and rural areas, there are still about 18. 5% of the population (226 million) that lack access to clean, drinkable water (CESS INDIA, 2004) With a sophisticated water purification installed in our soft drinks plantation, A. G. Barr are able to process the unclean water into safe, drinkable water and use it for the basis of the final products. Hence, A. G. Barr will be able to offer an alternative drinking source for the citizens with our soft drinks products. Next, with a total arable territory of about 1. 2 million sq km, agriculture is the biggest industry and plays a major role in the socioeconomic growth of India (Maps of India, 2012). According to Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) (2012) and the Maps of India (2012), India is the 2nd biggest world producers of sugarcane (sugar) with about 453 sugar mills located all over India. INCLUDEPICTURE http://faostat. fao. org/DesktopModules/Faostat/Images/T20/ChartPic_3nemzw945otecriq01oo. png? 3f2841b2-add0-4841-9dc7-5707a2a011f0 \* MERGEFORMATINET Table 1: Top Production – Sugar cane 2010 Source: FAO Thirdly, for aluminium, India is the fifth biggest producer in the world after Australia, Guinea, Brazil and Jamaica (Maps of India, 2012). Finally, to obtain vast economic growth and a flourishing industrial sector, the Indian government has invested and given top precedence to the power sector of the nation and as of the 21st century, India is able to generate about 90% of its own energy through (Maps of India, 2012): Thermal/Coal Power Hydro Power Renewable Resources Power Nuclear Power With most of the raw materials and resources readily available in India, the price for these materials will be relatively standard and low. Hence, this will lower the cost of production. This is a key factor in venturing into the India market as A. G. Barr require a huge amount of clean water and sugar to produce the soft drink products. 1. 2 THREATS 1. 2. 1 INFRASTRUCTURE The infrastructure in India is one of the most problematic and unreliable in the world. As stated previously, even though India is able to generate 90% of its power, due to the poor financial position of many power supply companies, the power supplies are always inconsistent and frequently being cut-off (India: Risk overview, 2011). Hence, companies, offices and industrial plants need to have their own back-up power facilities to ensure no interruption to the production processes (India: Risk overview, 2011). The road and railway system in India is still undependable and many traffic congestions are resulted due to the inadequacy. Pan (Asiamoney, 2010) notes that while the Indian government are investing US$1 trillion in infrastructure from 2012 to 2017, political bureaucracy and lack of good projects are hindering the developments of infrastructure. At the same time, Roy (Euromoney, 2010) reports that while Mr. Rajiv Lall, chief executive of state-run lender Infrastructure Development Finance Company believes India infrastructure has been slowly improving, the dependable relationship between the public sector and the private sectors in infrastructure will lead to corruption and thus may hinder the progression of big infrastructure projects. Therefore, any company that wish to venture into India soft drinks market will need to spend a sizeable amount on power generator and water purification facilities. This huge expenditure will put a dent on the initial capital investment and A. G. Barr need to take this into account and plan on how much of the expenditure to be transferred over to the final consumers through the products. 1. 2. 2 EDUCATION AND LABOUR According to several organizations; CIA (2012), US Department of State (2011) and WEF (2011), India’s literacy rate is only at 61%. The education level in India is low as many of the population live in poverty or the slump and unable to afford going school. Moreover, the Indian government lacks of provision of education is hindering its people to learn and receive knowledge. This result in a low skilled workforce and the unemployment rate for youth age 15 to 24 in India is high at 10. 5% (CIA World Fact Book, 2012). While a soft drink company with high technology facilities and processes requires employees with minimal skills, it is still essential for these workers have a basic understanding and motor skills to operate the high-tech, expensive machineries. Another end of the spectrum is those highly educated Indians where the information technology (IT) sector is booming. These IT personnel and engineers are viable to our company as they able to manage, supervise and suitable of the higher ranking jobs. Hence, to ensure the workers hired have the essential skills, A. G. Barr will need to frequently conduct training programs, skills development workshops and have simple instructions which are easy to follow. 2. DEMAND CONDITIONS With the relaxation of the Indian government policy on FDIs and foreign companies, the soft drinks industry had change tremendously. As the US and EU markets are highly saturated, companies are looking into the Asian markets to expand and gain more revenues. Apart from China, Japan and South Korea, India is the 4th leading Asian soft drinks market and the market is still growing and has yet to reach its saturation point. In 2010, there is a substantial demand for soft drinks as the market has grown by 10. 4% (Datamonitor, 2011). Datamonitor (2011) even predicts that by 2015, the Indian market will grow to a value of $5. 8 million. Table 2 shows the growth of India soft drink market from 2006 to 2010. Table 2: India soft drinks market volume: million liters, 2006–10(e) Datamonitor (2011) also reports that as of 2010, the soft drinks industry has generated total revenues of $3. 8 billion and with 50% of the total revenues, carbonates sale is the most profitable category. Table 3: India soft drinks market segmentation: % share, by value, 2010(e) It is essential to note that currently there is a growing trend of â€Å"vitamin water† or â€Å"nutrient water† in the world as many people are becoming more health conscious. The Times (London) (2012) reports that even India is not spared from the trend as PepsiCo, together with Tata Global Beverages, intend to market the â€Å"nutrient water† to India’s urban, middle-class consumers where a bottle of such product will cost slightly higher than a standard bottled water. Hence, this could greatly affect the retail sales of carbonates. A. G. Barr has already altered its products to regular variants to low calorie and no added sugar variants in accordance to the gradual shift towards healthly living in the UK (A. G. Barr, 2012). For example, its popular porduct, IRN-BRU now comes in a sugar free variation, the ‘IRN-BRU sugar free’. Thus, the â€Å"nutrient water† market is another sector A. G. Barr could develop into not only in UK but also in India. 3. India has huge supporting industries for the soft drinks market and the availablity of the main components for a soft drinks company in India is high. There are 453 sugar mills in India and the top 6 growing states are located in the Northern, Southern and Western regions of India (Maps of India, 2012). Noteably, the Indian government has been extentsively investing in the agriculture sector to ensure that the process of the sector from raw materials to warehousing and merchandising flow smoothly. And as for the aluminium industry, India has a sizeable number of aluminium plants located mainly in Northern and Southern regions. 3. 2 BARGAINING POWER OF SUPPLIERS As inputs are readily available, suppliers are unable to provide their services or sell their products at a higher price than their competitors as it is of no loss to the soft drinks company since the company is able to get the same or better services and products from other suppliers. A. G. Barr is able to obtain the primary inputs for its products through several sources in the region or state. Thus, the bargaining power of suppliers such as the packaging producers and raw materials and soft drinks ingredients producers are relatively low (Datamonitor, 2011). 3. 3 BARGAINING POWER OF BUYERS The power of the retailers and distributors in this market is weak as most soft drinks manufactures work closely with the local bottling companies to distribute the ready for sale products to buyers within a certain region or sector (Datamonitor, 2011). Datamonitor (2011) also reports that with 46. 3% of the total market volume, the independent retailers such as the small family mart shops are the main distribution channels for soft drinks but this could change with the introduction of super and hypermarkets. Thus, consumers will have a wider range of soft drinks brands to choose from. In order to gain relatively significant market share, A. G. Barr needs to do plenty of advertising and promotion. One of the strategies A. G. Barr could adopt is to set their soft drinks at a lower price than the main competitors, TCCC and PepsiCo in the rural areas while maintaining the same price in the urban areas where most of the middle-income and high-income classes have high consumer purchasing power. 4. FIRM STRATEGY, STRUCTURE AND RIVALRY 4. 1 CULTURAL IMPACT ON FIRM STRATEGY AND STRUCTURE A. G. Barr core strategic focus is based on the following 7 platforms (A. G.Barr, 2012): Core Brands and Markets Portfolio development Route to market Partnerships Efficient Operations People Development Sustainability To ensure these strategies and structure is maintain in other country, A. G. Barr has to train its overseas employees, make them understand and cultivate the A. G. Barr working culture. However, this will be a tough challenge in India due to the poor education and different socio-culture. Thus, A. G. Barr needs to accommodate its Western working culture with India working culture, however without losing its main mission and strategy. To ensure this is excuted properly, A. G. Barr needs to obtain a specialist in the Indian market and culture. 4. 2 RIVALRY AMONG EXISTING COMPETITORS In India, the soft drink market is dominated by three main players The Coca-Cola Company (TCCC), PepsiCo and Parle Bisleri Ltd – securing 74. 1% of the total market volume (Datamonitor, 2011). Table 4: India soft drinks market share: % share, by volume, 2010(e) BBC News (2011) reports that TCCC planned to invest $2 billion in India to boost its market share and expected India to be in its top five markets by 2020. Meanwhile, PepsiCo intend to launch a new product, â€Å"nutrient water† with Tata Water targeting at the young urban consumers to gain more market shares (Pagnamenta, 2012). This shows how competitive the rivalry in the India soft drinks industry where the two major market shares are actively investing and developing new products to gain more shares. 4. 3 THREAT OF NEW ENTRANTS The big players of the India soft drinks industry are actively improving themselves and distinguishing their products through various methods. Furthermore, TCCC and PepsiCo are renowned world soft drinks brands which have been existing in the India market for many years. Though new companies in the industry may have difficulty competing with the existing players, it may accomplish small success by using different production method or focusing on the lesser ventured catergories of the soft drinks markets such as health drinks and energy drinks (Datamonitor, 2011). This could be a major break through for A. G. Barr as its most popular products; the IRN-BRU; is low in sugar and contains additional benefits of an energy drink. In addition, the Rockstar series which are designed to target those who lead active lifestyles may be able to attract the young, urban consumers. With several advertising accolades, A. G. Barr has the knowledge and is able use the power of media to attract potential consumers and gain more market shares. 4. 4 THREAT OF SUBSTITUTES The main substitutes for soft drinks markets are traditonal tea and coffee, homemade juices and fresh water from the water plants or piping system. As A. G. Barr and other leading soft drinks companies have diverse products to cater to the different needs of the consumers – carbonates, bottled water, juices etc – this will narrow down the threat of substitutes. However, the threat is still relatively moderate as retailers and distributors may give more shelf space for traditional tea and coffee products as they may be stored at room temperatures (Datamonitor, 2011). 5. GOVERNMENT BBC News (2011) reports that India is ranked 95th out of 183 nations in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions (TICP) list. Due to the high corruption scandals among its government officials, low or invisible legislative work, red tape and bureaucracy, India has dropped from 87th in 2010 to 95th (BBC News, 2011). Despite its numerous intervention, corruption in India is an issue which is very difficult to get rid off since most of the political members and officals have their own agendas and are resistant to change (India: Risk overview, 2011). Hence, foreign companies will faced many setbacks when they venture into the India sectors. 6. ROLE OF CHANCE The role of chance plays a small part in factoring the soft drinks industry as most of the technology are at it most advanced state. The only main issue currently is the Iran oil crisis. As India still refuses to cut Iranian oil imports, this may lead to a huge setback if USA decides to attack Iran and ignore India’s relation with Iran (CBS News, 2012, Kennedy, 2012). With a potential strain relationship with USA, this could lead to severe freeze in the trade and foreign direct investments. Furthermore, the other two traid nations, EU and Japan, may follow suit USA’s decision to cut ties with India for refusing to withdraw the purchasing of Iranian oil. CONCLUSION In conclusion, the soft drinks market in India is huge though it is predominately hold by 3 major key players. To venture into this territory, a new company need to set itself apart from the majpr players through unique advertising, differentiated production method and diverse product offerings. New companies may set an initial low price of its products to attract consumers however; this should not be a long term strategy. Companies need to have a huge capital investment to counter the corruption, trade policies and poor infrastructure. Thus, expenditures and initial start-up cost will be high and companies will have to redistribute part of the cost to its final consumers in order to gain profits. PART B: CRITICAL EVALUATION OF PORTERS NATIONAL DIAMOND MODEL Michael E. Porter is a well renowned economic strategist whom has writen 18 books and over125 articles (HBS, 2008). With a core field in competitive strategy, Porter has written and developed a number of strategic frameworks such as the Porter’s National Diamond model and Porter’s 5 Forces analysis. Since the model was based on eight developed countries and two industrialized countries, an analysis on developing, growing countries such as India is flawed. This is because these developing countries are not on the same economic level as the 10 countries. Thus, though the Porter’s National Diamond (PND) model analysis almost every aspect of India’s profile, it still lacks in-depth analysis and companies should not base their analytical evaluation on the PND model alone. As supported by Van Den Bosch, and Van Proojien (1992), both authors believed that PND model provide limited analysis on the control of national culture on the competitive advantage of nations. Similar to the EU countries, India too has a diverse set of culture which plays significant role in the management of the country’s economy, laws, trade policies and governance. There are limited sources on India and the soft drinks market due to the lack of legistative work from the government officals. Furthermore, some of the reports or statistics may not be entirely accurate due to the high corruption level. For example, reports may state that India is able to generate 90% of its power but the power plants are inconsistent and supplies are frequently distrupted. Also, to what extend is the literacy rate of India is correct? The literacy rates may be higher than stated as with 1. 22 billion people, India officials may have a tough job collecting the accurate datas. Moreover, with high poverty and low income, most of Indian citizens have the ‘thrifty mindset’ whereby they prefer things which are basically free even though it maybe harmful such as drinking untreated water. These are the pros of the PND model for India: Analysis different aspect of the country profile Takes into account the role of Government which is the most essential for India These are the cons of the PND model for India: Limited credible sources for analysis Little depth as India is a huge country with various swinging factors. Limited analysis on the cultural effect on a country’s competitive advantage Ways to improve the PND model for India: Supporting the model with other analysis model such as PEST, SWOT, Porter’s 5 Forces and Fons Trompenaars’ Seven Cultural Dimensions. Intentsive research on the market and the growth of the market. REFERENCES A. G. Barr (2012) About Us. Available at: http://www. agbarr. co. uk/agbarr/newsite/ces_general. nsf/wpg/about_us-our_strategy (Accessed: 22 March 2012). BBC News (2011) Coke plans $2bn India investment in bid to boost growth. Available at: http://www. bbc. co. uk/news/business-15731884 (Accessed: 20 February 2012). BBC News (2011) India Transparency International corruption index blow. Available at: http://www. bbc. co. uk/news/world-asia-india-15979646 (Accessed: 01 March 2012). CBS News (2012) U. K. : Attack on Iran has enormous downsides. Available at: http://www. cbsnews. com/8301-202_162-57380838/u.k. -attack-on-iran-has-enormous-downsides/? tag=mncol;lst;1 (Accessed: 20 February 2012). India. CESS (2004) Right to Drinking Water in India. Available at: http://www. cess. ac. in/cesshome/wp%5CWater. pdf (Accessed: 22 March 2012). CIA (2012) South Asia, India. Available at: https://www. cia. gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/in. html (Accessed: 20 February 2012). FAO (2012) Faostat. Available at: http://faostat. fao. org/site/339/default. aspx (Accessed: 01 March 2012). HBS (2008) Harvard Business School Faculty Research. Available at: http://drfd. hbs. edu/fit/public/facultyInfo. do? facInfo=biofacEmId=mporter (Accessed: 10 April 2012). India: Risk overview’ (2011) Business Asia, 43, 14, pp. 10-11, Business Source Premier, EBSCO [Online]. Available at http://searchebscohost. com (Accessed: 22 March 2012). Kennedy (2012) US Pleas for Asia to Cut Iranian Oil Imports Fall on Deaf Ears, Oilprice. Available at: http://oilprice. com/Latest-Energy-News/World-News/US-Pleas-for-Asia-to-Cut-Iranian-Oil-Imports-Fall-on-Deaf-Ears. html (Accessed: 20 February 2012). Maps of India (2012) India Agriculture.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

New Labours Traditional Family Values in Policy

New Labours Traditional Family Values in Policy In Comparison to the Thatcher Government, in what ways does New Labour try to bring back traditional family values through policy and legislation? Abstract The objective of this dissertation is to evaluate and compare the way in New Labour is trying to bring back traditional family values through policy and legislation with the ways in which the Thatcher government had tried to do so. As will be explained and analysed there are some similarities and indeed some profound differences between the objectives and the methods of New Labour and the Thatcher governments. As will be analysed in great depth both the Thatcher government and New Labour government came to power with wide-ranging visions of how they wished to transform the politics, the economy, and the society of Britain. The Thatcher government’s attempts to bring back traditional family values through policy and via legislation will be evaluated first, in order to examine the extent to which its objectives succeeded or if those objectives failed. Arguably, the Thatcher government had a massive impact upon the social, economic, and the political make up or infrastructure of Britain, even if not always in the ways that it had intended, or had hoped for. The Thatcher government also discovered that the consequences of their policy decisions could be contradictory, rather than complimentary to the primary objectives of the legislation that they passed. The latter parts of the dissertation will concentrate upon the transition of the Labour party away from its traditional economic and social policies into New Labour and how, that transition affected its policies and objectives. New Labour was a reinvention of the Labour party designed to regain power after 18 years in the political wilderness. Traditionally, the Labour party had regarded the promotion of social ownership of the means of production (the infamous clause four of its constitution); and the provision of generous benefits by the welfare state for those in need as sacrosanct policy areas. Labour governments had used progressive taxation and high public sector borrowing to pay for high social policy expenditure if that was needed. Those were the policies mainly used to maintain or bring back traditional family values by all previous Labour governments. New Labour, as will be demonstrated, turned away from the concepts of increasing levels of social ownership, and set limits for the use of progressive taxation and increasing public sector borrowing, whilst promising to reform the welfare state. The combination of these measures was intended to focus help on to those people that needed help the most. It also arguably, gives cause to debate whether New Labour is driven by its ideological principles; or if it is driven by the more selfish desire to obtain and subsequently retain governmental office. After all, as any self-respecting politician will tell anybody willing to hear them, it is no good having a vision of transforming society if there is no political office or power to do anything about enacting that vision. Certainly before winning the general election of 1997 New Labour emphasised its intention to bring back traditional family values through policy and where it was considered to be necessary through legislation. As a party New Labour committed itself to improving public services, fighting crime, and a host of other measures to make Britain a better place to live in. Also to be discussed is New Labour’s policies and legislation upon human rights and equality for all, that in many respects goes beyond bringing back traditional family values. Whilst politicians are generally in agreement over the need for traditional family values, they differ as to the best policies and if needs be the best legislation to restore, promote, or protect traditional family values. Differences over the best ways to achieve traditional family values are influenced by differing ideological approaches, as well as different understandings of human nature. Governments do not only rely on policy and legislat ion to achieve or at least aim to achieve their objectives. Governments try to influence the public through official statements, press and television articles, as well as presenting its objectives to the public as frequently as possible. The public of course does not have to be persuaded by the influence, policy, and legislation of any government. Indeed the public can affect the policy and legislation that governments adopt by voting those governments in and out of office at every general election. The media has a great deal of influence in its own right when it comes to the moral attitudes and acceptable standards of behaviour that the British public hold. All are issues and influences upon the restoration or promotion of traditional family values will be evaluated. Introduction Before evaluating and analysing the ways in which New Labour and the Thatcher governments aimed to bring back bring traditional family values, it would be best to define what is meant by traditional family values. Usually traditional family values are considered to be the promotion of long lasting marriages, bringing up children to be well behaved and law abiding, and educating everybody to respect law and order. Traditional family values are also linked with a religious or moral upbringing, yet it can also encompass people being responsible for providing for their own financial and social welfare through working hard and saving, as well as taking responsibility for their own actions. Traditional family values were linked in public perceptions to Victorian times, the majority of people may now be materially better off yet their sense of morality, and the willingness to accept traditional family values has declined noticeably (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p.42). In the British conte xt the religious influences upon traditional family values had been predominately Christian in their origins. The dominant family values in Britain have been altered by different factors since the 1960s. The belief in Christian values has declined due to the processes of secularisation and liberalisation, changing social attitudes arguably helped by changes in fashion and media coverage. Family values are also different due to the immigration of people into Britain with different religious faiths such as Islam, and Hinduism (Modood, 2005, p.192). Different religious beliefs mean that although non-Christians often have a strong sense of morality and an understanding of how to behave, those moral values are similar yet not necessarily the same as traditional family values as they are perceived (Forman Baldwin, 1999, pp. 10-11). British governments, assuming that they have a sufficient Parliamentary majority are generally able to carry out policy objectives and pass legislation as they feel necessary, or, to keep to the pledges they made in their party manifestos during the previous general election campaigns. The power and the authority held by British governments to carry out their policies is great, and the vast majority of the population accepts the legislation passed through Parliament. However, it is under the assumption that the government can be voted out at the next general election if the majority of voters are unhappy with its performance, or achievements. Much harder to define or evaluate can be the influence that governments have upon people’s beliefs and behaviour. Parties win general elections sometimes because they are the least unpopular party, rather than because they are the most popular. Voters can be as pragmatic or as cynical as the politicians that they vote for or against, they vote for the party that makes them better off, as much as the party that wants to influence or potentially change their beliefs and behaviour (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, pp 4 –5). Now attention is turned to the discussion of how differing ideological, or political beliefs have influenced the Thatcher and New Labour governments into making policy and legislation that affects social policy in Britain. The classical liberal approach to traditional family values was that governments should not intervene in social matters just as they should keep economic interventions down to an absolute minimum. The classical liberal approach regarded the role of governments as being strictly limited to providing legislation when required, and limited educational, law and order, and national defence facilities or services. The moral, religious, and social values may have been Christian yet that was just by historical chance. Classical liberal thinkers such as John Locke argued that the government should tolerate diversity and allow its people to act in anyway they wanted that did not contravene national laws (Lacey, 2006, p.7). For classical liberals, governments should have gone no further than regulating workplace safety and regulating the Poor Law administration. The teaching of traditional family values was down to churches (or other religious institutions), schools, and individual family groups themselves (Eatwell Wright, 2003 p. 36). The ideas of classical liberalism would re-emerge from the 1960s in the guise of neo-liberalism and would have the most influence in Britain upon the government that was led by Margaret Thatcher between May 1979 and her removal from office in November 1990. The Major government that held office from 1990 through to 1997 was regarded as being less dogmatic and more pragmatic than its immediate predecessor was, though conversely placing a greater emphasis on individual morality and standards of behaviour (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 287). Another strand of liberal political ideology emerged at the beginning of the 20th century that favoured a higher level of government intervention in social and economic matters. This ‘new’ liberalism was responsible for the first moves towards establishing the welfare state in Britain. The new Liberals regarded poverty as being the largest single threat to traditional family values, as well as being socially divisive. Poverty often led families into the dreaded workhouses that separated parents from their children, and then parents from each other. Poverty in other words could stop people from caring for each other, it stopped relatives being cared for, and prevented people looking after themselves. The workhouse was, according to the new liberal ideological perspective, the biggest breaker of families, something that grinding poverty did not always achieve (Moran, 2005, p. 28). The introduction of Labour Exchanges, national insurance, which paid small amounts of unemplo yment benefit, and limited old age pensions may have done little to reverse poverty, yet it heralded greater levels of government intervention in social and economic affairs, especially after Labour’s landslide election victory in 1945. All those new Liberal reforms were intended to preserve family units, as unemployment, underemployment, and old age were all factors that made people poor, and put them in the workhouse, or drove them towards committing crimes to make money. Had the British economy been stronger during the inter-period then the limited welfare state of the Liberals might have been extended earlier. There were limited extensions such as the development of council houses and some free health care for the poorest families (Eatwell Wright, 2003 p.38). The Liberal party itself appeared to be in a virtually terminal decline after the First World War with its former supporters either switching their votes to the Conservatives or the Labour party. Conversely it would be variations of liberal ideology that have arguably had the most political, social, and economic influence upon post-war Britain and the values that British government aimed to promote through policy and legislation. New Liberalism had a pronounced influence upon the welfare state and Keynesian economic policies pursued from 1945 through to the late 1970s, particularly under the auspices of the Beveridge Report and the wish to avoid mass unemployment on the scale of the 1930s. New Liberalism also influenced the decision of British governments to accept changing social attitudes by changing policy and passing legislation to recognise the slackening hold of traditional family values. The use of Keynesian economics was lessened during the Callaghan government as it was forc ed into accepting a loan from the International Monetary Fund, and had to reduce public spending before that loan was made available. Of course, it was the revival of neo-liberal ideology that strongly influenced the Thatcher government and meant that the New Labour government had to take power in radically different social and economic circumstances than the Labour governments of the 1970s had faced (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). In contrast, the Conservative ideological perspective often placed a greater emphasis upon the promotion and the respecting of traditional family values, either to protect property or to maintain social stability. Conservative politicians in Britain regarded themselves as being the party that maintained law and order better than any other political party, to protect social stability, and strengthen national unity (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 51). The Conservative party was the party that usually claimed to be the guardian of traditional family values. The Conservative party had strong links with the Church of England. Indeed, sometimes people referred to the Church of England as being the Conservative party at prayer. As such the Conservative party took a negative view about human nature that helps to explain its tougher stance on law and order issues (Jones et al, 2004, p. 155). Unlike the classical Liberals, the Conservatives were prepared and remain prepared to actively change gover nment policy, and enact legislation if that was needed to protect traditional family values. Previous Conservative governments in Britain have passed both restrictive and liberalising legislation when they have considered such actions to be justified by present circumstances. Conservatives have been repressive, regressive, or liberal in character at different times (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 54). There was a strong paternalistic streak in the British Conservative party, which has sometimes dominated the party, and at other times has had very little influence over the party’s policies when in government. The paternalistic streak has not always gone well with other ideological influences within the party that have been opposed to intervening in society or the economy. For instance, compare the ideological beliefs of Harold MacMillan, or Anthony Eden with Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher did not like the paternalistic ‘One Nation Tories’, and instead attempted to transfo rm British society (Moran, 2005, p. 28). The Labour party was created specifically to further the interests of the working classes, as such the only traditional family values it wished to protect, promote, or bring back were those that it believed would benefit the working classes. The Labour party was committed to the social ownership of the means of production, and the introduction of extensive welfare, and social security provision. Not only would these measures improve social equality, they would reduce poverty, and make British society better by making it fairer for all. The Labour party was also a political party that was moderate and gradualist in its approach to achieving social, economic, and political reforms. The decline of the Liberal party allowed Labour to become the second main political party in Britain and even form a government in 1924. The first Labour government was only a minority administration, and was therefore unable to achieve much (Wilson, 2005, p. 252). The second Labour government elected in 192 9 had a parliamentary majority, yet its time in office was blighted by the onset of the Great Depression. The party was divided by Ramsey Mac Donald’s decision to cut unemployment benefits, and the introduction of other austerity measures that made the affects of unemployment worse for many of the people that Labour was supposed to help (Wilson, 2005, p. 285). Labour got its big chance to profoundly alter British social and economic policies as a result of the wartime feeling that something should be done to make Britain a fairer and less poverty stricken place to live in. Labour fully backed the proposals of the Beveridge Report and introduced a comprehensive welfare state and reaped its sensational electoral benefits in 1945 (Lacey, 2006, p. 260). The Labour party managed to achieve its social and economic aims during the Atlee governments of 1945 through to 1951. Its objectives were achieved with the introduction of a comprehensive welfare state, the National Health Service (NHS), and increased educational opportunities. To banish the possibility of mass unemployment on the scale of the 1930s, industries were nationalised and Keynesian demand side economic policies were pursued. From the Labour party’s perspective Britain’s traditional family values should have been protected or even promoted by declining levels of poverty, better health care provision, and higher levels of educational achievement. The welfare state and the NHS seemed to be safe as the Conservatives accepted the vast majority of Labour’s reforms (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p. 11). In fact, the Conservative Party enjoyed considerable success in the 1950s as the British electorate trusted them to leave the welfare state and public servi ces untouched, whilst successfully managing Keynesian economics to make people financially better off (Sandbrook, 2005 p. 51). Until the late 1960s it seemed that British governments had managed to achieve strong economic growth, an effective welfare system, and a high degree of social harmony. The period also introduced legislation that liberalised British society, for instance the legalisation of homosexuality, abortion, and the abolition of the death penalty. Legislation was also passed that made it easier to get divorced. However, there were to be social, economic, and political developments that loosened the post-war political consensus. The loosening of that post-war consensus began with deteriorating economic growth and social changes, developments that would eventually lead to the emergence of Margaret Thatcher as a politician that was determined to radically alter the political, social, and economic fabric of Britain (Forman Baldwin, 1999, p. 11). It was not just Britain’s relatively poor economic performance that Margaret Thatcher wished to tackle; she wanted to tackle the political, social , and economic decline of Britain. Margaret Thatcher wished to reverse what she considered to be the harmful social and economic consequences of decline fostered by the liberalisation of moral values caused by the legislation of the 1960s and the changes in social attitudes that occurred during the same period (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 42). On the other hand, New Labour wished to regain power by gaining the votes of people that had previously voted for the Thatcher and Major governments, whilst retaining the support of their loyal Labour supporters. Traditional Labour party supporters had not supported the party because it claimed to protect or restore traditional family values; instead they believed that a Labour government would make them better off, and British society fairer. However, traditional Labour voters had been reduced in numbers by the reduction in the size of heavy industries and the Thatcher government’s economic policies such as the sell off of council housing and privatisation (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003 p. 12). The combination of changing social and economic trends, the privatisation policies of the Thatcher government, as well as party in-fighting had condemned the Labour party to four consecutive general election defeats. The Labour Party had expected to win the 1992 general election, altho ugh the Major government managed to get re-elected by scrapping the poll tax (Jones, 1999 p.1). New Labour might not have emerged at all if John Smith had not died leading to Tony Blair becoming the party leader, and going on to reorganise the Labour Party, reshaping its policies, and its image in order to gain power (Seldon Kavanagh, 2005 p. 5). Whilst New Labour emphasised that it would no longer pursue traditional Labour party economic policies, it would stress that it was keen to make British society fairer than it had been during the Thatcher and the Major governments. New Labour stressed that it stood for fairer social values, for instance actively trying to encourage the acceptance of cultural diversity, or promoting gay and lesbian rights (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 397). New Labour shifted its economic policies to the right first, then moved its social policies in a similar direction (Moran, 2005, p. 28). Tony Blair and New Labour stressed that once in power it would help to bring back traditional family values by being tough on crime by tackling its social and economic causes (Seldon Kavanagh, 2005, p. 6). New Labour has also pledged to reform welfare provision, the NHS, and the education system to improve performance and reduce social exclusion. New Labour wanted to restore what it considered to be traditio nal family values through policy and legislation, yet with the emphasis being different from the emphasis of the Thatcher government in rhetoric if not in substance (Jones, 1999, p. 2). All governments have to be aware of the public scrutiny that they may have to endure, through Parliament, through media coverage and speculation, as well as been observed by the general public. The government of the day can have its policy and legislation objectives overturned and jeopardised by adverse publicity or media revelations. The media is very useful for the government to sell its policies and pieces of legislation to the electorate yet no government can expect favourable media coverage all of the time and sensible governments will try to manage media coverage to get the best results. The Thatcher and New Labour governments took media management techniques seriously for their periods in office although that has not guaranteed that they will succeed in making all their policy and legislation succeed, whether or not it was meant to restore traditional family values (Jones, 1999, p. 52). Chapter One – The Thatcher government and returning back to traditional family values This chapter will deal with the subject of the Thatcher government and its attempts of returning to traditional family values through policy and legislation. Margaret Thatcher broke the mould of the average Conservative party leader, and it was not simply because she was the first woman to gain that position. Although the Conservatives had been stung by the size of their election defeat in 1945, they had soon recovered to regain power by 1951 (Wilson, 2005, p.484). Successive Conservative leaders from Winston Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold MacMillan, and Alec Douglas Hume had accepted the post-war political, economic and social consensus established after 1945 (Sandbrook, 2005, p.51). It had been Margaret Thatcher’s immediate predecessor as Conservative leader, Edward Heath that had first attempted to overturn the post-war consensus through the adoption of the Selsdon programme. As Education secretary, Margaret Thatcher was part of the Heath government that eventually returne d to Keynesian economic policies, due to trade union opposition, and the desire to increase economic growth to prevent unemployment levels going past one million (Fisher, Denver Benyon, 2003, p.11). The Heath government would fall victim to increasing trade union opposition that led to the three day week, whilst Heath’s defeat in both general elections of 1974 meant that leading Conservatives were looking for alternative policies and a new leader with a different approach to the discredited Heath. Margaret Thatcher decided to stand for the party leadership and succeeded in displacing Heath. After she became Conservative leader, her differing ideological outlook from her post-war predecessors started to emerge. Thatcher’s right wing rhetoric, no nonsense leadership style, her forthright messages, and obvious sense of nationalism struck the right chords with the British electorate during the late 1970s (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 160). Margaret Thatcher was determined to restore the electoral fortunes of the Conservative and then went on to revive the ailing British economy by fundamentally altering social, economic, and political attitudes within the country. Thatcher believed that Britain needed to radically overhaul its social and economic policies to reverse economic decline and social decadence. The medicine that Thatcher prescribed to cure Britain of its social and economic woes was the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and a return to traditional family values. According to neo-liberal economists such as Hayek and Friedman, Keynesian economics and extensive welfare states like Britain’s after 1945 were socially and economically detrimental. Thatcher had been introduced to these concepts by one of her closest advisors, Sir Keith Joseph, and she saw them as the solution to Britain economic decline and social degradation (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). The welfare state removed the incent ive to work, or the incentives to reduce the size of families, whilst providing adequate standards of living for those that were work shy or content to have children outside of marriage and long term relationships. The pursuit of Keynesian economic policies had increased the power of trade unions whilst restricting the efficiency of both public and private sector enterprises. Thatcher argued that excessively high rates of taxation reduced the incentives for people to work harder and meant that some people were financially better off by being unemployed. Thatcher’s solution to these problems was to end Keynesian economic policies, lower taxes, sell off public assets, and attempt to reduce the size of the welfare state. The inability of the Callaghan government to solve Britain’s economic ills and the Winter of Discontent of industrial action and public sector strikes allowed Thatcher to take power after winning the general election of May 1979 (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p.11). Once in office the Thatcher government undertook a radical reshaping of economic policy that had a major impact upon British society and influenced the success of policy and legislation to bring back traditional family values. The pursuit of economic liberalisation was the government’s policy given priority over all other policies and initiatives. Thatcher believed that economic liberalisation would be the catalyst that would modernise and revive Britain’s economic performance, with the anticipated consequence that it would revive at least some of the traditional family values. That was the underlying belief that people should work to make their lives better rather than relying upon the welfare state to give them handouts. The problem with adopting monetarist economic policies was that it resulted in the highest levels of unemployment witnessed in Britain since the Great Depression of the 1930s. With more than three million people unemployed, expenditure on the social s ecurity budget increased rather than decreased. Economic policy in this instance actually made the return to traditional family values less likely to be achieved. High unemployment levels instead meant a return to inter-period levels of poverty, and the closure of unprofitable coal mines and steel mills devastated whole communities (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). High unemployment levels also helped the Thatcher government to break the power of the trade unions more effectively than legislation on its own. That legislation was restrictive of trade union powers in its own right, more so than the failed efforts of the Heath government a decade earlier. The Thatcher government regarded employment legislation as vital in making its efforts to erode trade union power effective. The Employment Act of 1980 took away the rights of trade unions to operate closed shops (allowing workers the right not to join trade unions), take secondary industrial action, or, use flying pickets to force employers to give into their demands. The Employment Act also laid down certain conditions that trade unions had to follow exactly before they could take industrial action. For instance, trade unions had to hold postal ballots to vote for or against strike action. Any trade union that did not hold official ballots was going on strike illegally, and therefore faced lega l action from employers. For the Thatcher government the Employment Act of 1980 proved invaluable with its conflicts with the militant trade unions, especially the coal miners (Forman, Baldwin, 1999, p.450). For the Thatcher government its conflict with the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) led by Arthur Scargil proved the ultimate test of whether it could change the social and economic structure of Britain to fit in with its ideological outlook. The NUM had been regarded as being largely responsible for the defeat of the Heath government during the 1970s, so the Thatcher government wanted to defeat it as a symbol of Britain being transformed economically, socially, and politically. Although the Thatcher government did give way over pay disputes in 1981 as it did not believe it could defeat the NUM, it was biding its time. However, by 1984 the Thatcher government was certain that the situation had changed in its favour through its new legislation that reduced secondary strike action, and because coal had been stockpiled at power stations to prevent the NUM from forcing the government to give in. The bitter miners strike of 1984-85 effectively broke the power of the NUM forever, and sho wed that the trade unions could no longer bring down any government that they wanted to (Forman Baldwin, 1999, p. 196). As part of its policy objectives to bring back traditional family values the Thatcher government tried to improve the law and order situation without much apparent success. Once again the economic policies of the Thatcher government had consequences for the successful conduct of its social policies. The chief consequence of Thatcherite economic policies was as already mentioned high unemployment. High unemployment made it harder to reduce the level of crime; in fact crime rates rose as sharply as unemployment rates did throughout much of the 1980s (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p. 12). Unemployment increased peoples’ sense of desperation as well as putting many of them into poverty. Crime increased as people tried to make ends meet, and it also increased as a result of a rise in the number of people taking illegal drugs. High unemployment and the illegal drug trade meant that respect for law and order was reduced in the majority of inner city areas rather than improved. A com bination of high unemployment, heavy handed policing, and increased levels of racial tension lead to the outbreak of inner city riots in 1981 that alarmed the Thatcher government (Jones et al, 2004, p. 628). To prevent a repeat of those riots the Thatcher government introduced urban redevelopment areas, and attempted to change the policing methods used in areas that contained ethnic minority communities. The Thatcher government tried to reduce crime by allowing courts to set tougher sentences and the introduction of youth detention centres, yet nothing seemed to work (Jones et al, 2004, p. 628). The failure of the Thatcher government to reverse the rising crime figures is a clear demonstration that the social policy, and legislation of governments can have little or virtually no influence over people’s behaviour if they did not want that behaviour to be altered. Although there was a strong link between rising crime and rising unemployment during the Thatcher government the le vels of crime have not decreased, despite unemployment falling since its peak in the late 1980s (Jones et al, 2004, p. 629). Other areas of the That

Friday, October 25, 2019

Norma Rae Essay -- Capitalism Governmental Essays

Norma Rae In the film Norma Rae, the textile workers were unsatisfied with many aspects of their Capitalistic work environment. They fought to form a union so that they could change the undesirable characteristics to better meet their needs. Political, environmental and cultural processes all played a part in the workers struggle to form an effective union. Unlike the film, Matewan, in which the coal miners worked under feudal control, the employees of the O.P. Henley Mill worked amidst a Capitalistic Economy. The key difference between the two, is that the inhabitants of the town of Matewan did not have other choices of employment and the characters in Norma Rae had the ability to go into the free labor market and be active participants, choosing who they wished to work for. Throughout the film there was evidence of other forms of employment in Henleyville. There were jobs in town that required a higher degree of education that the workers in the mill may have received, a schoolteacher or a police officer for example. However, there were various other jobs in town did not require as much training. Some of these other job opportunities included working at the motel or in the local restaurants or bars as a waiter, a waitress, or a bartender. There were attendants at the gas station and workers at the grocery and convenience stores. In addition to these other choices of employment there was also a different economic system that the workers could have chosen to be a part of. Self – Employment existed in Henleyville. When Norma Rae is talking to Sonny Webster, before they went out on a date, they reminisced about when they were younger. â€Å"You used to come into my Mama’s bakery,† be remembered. The ... ...to promote the union without being fired. He explained that she could wear buttons on her shirt, hand out fliers during breaks and other additional freedoms. Eventually, the workers set aside their inhabitations and voted 373 to 427 in favor of the union. When asked, â€Å"What are you gonna do now?† Norma Rae said, â€Å"live – what else?† The question that the workers at the O.P. Henley Mill were faced with was not, where to work. They had the freedom to choose their employer. The workforce learned that they did not need to be trapped in an insufficient working environment and that by forming a union they could manipulate the parameters set by the Mill Company, to meet their requests. Works Cited West, Andrew. Capitalism.org West, Andrew. Capitalism.org

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Conformity Vs. Nonconformity Essay

Nonconformity is a force from one’s personal self to step outside of the norm and bring a sense of individuality to a world in which there is very little originality anymore. As a society, we are ruled by the media. They force their points of views down everyones throats without one’s consciousness even acknowledging so. We walk past billboards, view commercials, peek around all of our social media websites, and all the while our minds are being bred to be biased towards a certain fashion, a certain point of view, as far as even a music choice which is most preferable. To step outside of this commonality in today’s society to the eye doesn’t seem too difficult. In everyone’s minds they are â€Å"unique†, â€Å"original†, and â€Å"creative†. What we don’t notice is how this seems to be what everybody believes, yet the fashion, attitude, whatever is as a phase and a trend. To truly step outside is a great leap and itâ€⠄¢s not simply acknowledging just how original you are, it’s to live your life everyday in not simply the same consistency but in such a way that you aren’t driven to stand out or fit in. It’s a numbness to either side of the spectrum. Being able to cope and not be judged based upon an individual’s nonconformity today is not as hard as it was in the past, however it is still picked upon. It’s only natural to separate the one that does not belong, as seen in many animal species when an animal is bred with a genetic deformity causing it to not belong, thus being shunned by the rest of the basic of the species. Today, even, one of the main controversies is homosexuality. Despite all the recent movements and reformities of the law, gay male and females are still ridiculed. Sometimes to the point of suicide or even such bizarre, violent bullying leading to near fatal wounds and mental scars. So in a sense, Ralph Waldo Emerson’s famous aphorism is correct. â€Å"For non-conformity the world whips you with displeasure.† From personal experience, I cannot recall a certain point in time when my nonconformity has been looked down upon, however I do believe that I fit in such a space between conformity and nonconformity. If you were to judge based upon pure physical factors, I would say that I do not choose to dress myself in a way to stand out, simply on p ersonal taste with a hint of outside influence. Mentally, I believe I do have an abstract method of thinking. I enjoy questioning things and learning, which is growing more  uncommon in today’s generation. Colleges tend to lean towards the unconventional way of thinking. After a professor has read so and so many papers from his hundreds to thousands of students, things can get a bit repetitive and uninteresting. A writing that stands out tends to create excitement with extra attention. This is how you show yourself, as a student, just the potential that you do harness. The ability to think outside of the box and express your thoughts and perspective in a way that invokes thought is a way to prove not only that you understand yourself, but it also is a way to even provoke questions that would allow somebody to learn something new. However abundant and appreciated nonconformity may be in today’s society in the novel â€Å"Brave New World† by Aldous Huxley, this approach to life is completely opposite. Within the â€Å"Brave New World† conformity is a method in which this society prospers and maintains control. From the time people are born in this society they are ta ught how to think, what to believe, and where they belong. This method forces people to grow just exactly how the government wants them to grow. This society is controlled using various methods. If you feel any sort of emotion, which would then create individuality, you just take a â€Å"Soma†. This drug eliminates every feeling. If you feel sad, take a Soma. If you are overly excited or ambitious, take a Soma. Another method is how it is a norm to sleep around with other people frequently. In today’s society if you practice â€Å"free love† or do not have emotionally attached sex then you are awfully judged and are pegged names that deem you somebody not to get close to. In â€Å"Brave New World† the opposite is so, and if you have sex with a person regularly you are then criticized. This operates control in order to detach love from sex, for love is a feeling which would separate you in this world. John the Savage is an excellent example for what happens when a nonconformist steps foot into this society. After his displeasing trip, he tries to change the way things are run. He spreads word of how he was raised. Even hearing the word â€Å"mother† gives people there an uncomfortable feeling because they were not raised, they were not nurtured, t hey were engineered. After all is said and done John is banished, but before he can reach that point he simply falls to depression causing his most unfortunate suicide at the end of the book. To conform is an easy task for the simple minded. It is a meager achievement to breeze through life without  questioning outside of what you are taught to accept. To go above and beyond displays a true thinker, someone worth remembering for what they believed- a nonconformist.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Schema Theory

A schema describes an organized pattern of thought or behavior. Scripts are schemas which provide information about a sequence of events. Self-schemas organize information we have about ourselves, such as our strengths and weaknesses. The last is the social schema, which represents information about groups of people, and this is how stereotypes are also developed. Bartlett (1932) wanted to look at the effect that schemas have on memory. He had his participants read â€Å"The War of the Ghosts†. the 1st participant read the original story, and then wrote it on paper.Then a 2nd participant, reads whats been written by the 1st participant. Then the 2nd reproduces it on paper for the 3rd participant and so on. In repeated reproduction, the same participant reproduces the story 6 or 7 times. Bartlett found that as the reproductions went on, the stories became shorter and that certain details had been left out or changed. These changes were in an effort to make the story more compre hend-able from within the participants experiences and cultural backgrounds. For example the word canoes became boats, and hunting seals became fishing. Your brain also fills in blanks based on ones existing schemas.Your memory is processed into three main stages; which are encoding, storage, and retrieval. Encoding is when u put the memory into your mind. Storage is maintaining it in your mind. Retrieval is using what you saved in your mind. Cohen (1993) criticized schema theory, saying that the concept of schemas is too vague to be useful. However, many researchers use schema theory to explain cognitive processing. Anderson and Pichert did an experiment to investigate if schema processing influences both encoding and retrieval. The results showed schema processing influenced both.